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Colombia’s new president-elect Gustavo Petro, a career far-left politician who probably hangs a Che Guevara poster on his parlor wall, is scheduled to be inaugurated next month. Many observers predict he will join the Havana-Caracas-Managua club of Marxist radicals. How much gasoline the new president and his allies will throw on smoldering societal divisions in Colombia is an open question, but the fact that Petro’s instinct as a young man was to join the M-19 guerrillas is not encouraging.
Broadly speaking, there are two tiers to the western hemisphere’s latest swelling of the “pink tide.” The hardline Marxist dictatorships are typified by Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua—the core of the so-called ALBA movement—who rail against Washington, radicalize their societies, lock up their enemies, and spread chaos and revolution outside their borders when given opportunity. Others are less doctrinaire, but ideologically noisy and certainly U.S. skeptics, a category formerly best represented by Correa’s Ecuador and now perhaps by Castillo’s Peru and Boric’s Chile.
Whichever of these two groups Petro joins as he calls for a “new dialogue” in the Americas, he will surely shut down continued U.S. security cooperation, represented by “Plan Colombia,” Washington’s most serious foreign assistance program in the Americas.
The U.S. has been intensely involved in Colombia for decades. The story is a complicated one that was not supposed to culminate in the election of a radical leftist like Petro. When Colombia’s security situation became dire in the late 1990s, most foreign-policy conservatives agreed that genuine U.S national interests were tied to the fate of this key Andean country. The challenges in Colombia included not only responding to transnational drug trafficking and terrorism, but also reinforcing a tottering national government against a guerrilla insurgency that could spread revolutionary Castroism and trigger another massive northbound migratory diaspora.
For most conservatives, the spirit of […]
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